 |
|
Role Models, Ethnic Identity, and Health-Risk Behaviors in Urban Adolescents
Antronette K. Yancey, MD, MPH;
Judith M. Siegel, PhD, MSHyg;
Kimberly L. McDaniel, PhD
Arch Pediatr Adolesc Med. 2002;156:55-61.
ABSTRACT
| |
Background The assumption that role models or mentors constructively influence
adolescent psychological functioning has prompted societal investment in mentoring
programs. However, there has been little empirical evaluation of the relationship
between role model or mentor characteristics and health behaviors.
Objectives To describe role model selection in urban adolescents and examine the
relationships between role model characteristics, psychosocial functioning,
and health-risk behaviors.
Design Cross-sectional survey.
Participants A population-based, multiethnic sample of Los Angeles County adolescents
aged 12 to 17 years was generated from a 3-stage, area-probability sampling
frame. Of 877 adolescents identified, 749 are included in this analysis.
Methods In-person, in-home interviews were conducted.
Main Outcome Measures Substance use, academic performance, and self-perception (measures of
ethnic identify and self-esteem). Ethnic identity was measured by an adaptation
of a scale developed by Phinney (J Adolesc Res. 1992;7:156-176)
to assess commonalities across ethnic groups.
Results Fifty-six percent of adolescents identified a role model. Higher levels
of ethnic identity were associated with moving from identifying no role model
to identifying a figure primarily available through the media to identifying
a known individual, familial or nonfamilial (P<.001).
Having a role model, particularly an individual known to the adolescent, was
also associated with higher self-esteem (P<.001)
and higher grades (P<.05). For white males without
custodial fathers, having a role model was associated with decreased substance
use (P<.05).
Conclusion Role model selection is associated with protective psychosocial characteristics.
INTRODUCTION
THE GROWING cultural diversity of the United States,1-2
particularly within younger population segments, has directed increasing attention
to the effect of ethnicity on health and, more recently, to ethnic disparities
in health outcomes.2-3 Ethnicity
distinguishes individuals according to their membership in groups that share
common social, cultural, and historical heritage, as well as common phenotypic
characteristics. There is considerable variation, however, within and among
ethnic groups with regard to ethnic self-perception and the salience of ethnic
group membership.4-8
These dimensions refer to the construct of ethnic identity, defined as "one's
sense of belonging to an ethnic group and the part of one's thinking, perceptions,
feelings, and behavior that is due to ethnic group membership."9
Ethnic identity, then, is ethnicity incorporated into self-perception.
Attitudes toward one's own ethnicity have particular implications for
health and psychological functioning among subgroups that are misrepresented
within or discriminated against by societal and cultural institutions.1 Both intraethnic and interethnic differences in psychosocial
functioning among youth may be examined from this vantage point.5
For youth of color, self-protection and, presumably, healthier outcomes reside
in the ability to resist internalizing the negative images of their groups
that are portrayed by the dominant culture.10
As adolescents of color negotiate the transition to adulthood, the nature
and outcome of their struggles to achieve a positive identity influence their
life trajectories. It has been well documented that risk factors in adolescents
tend to cluster, such that a subset of youth engages in multiple risk behaviors,
including unprotected sexual intercourse, substance use, violent behavior,
and academic underachievement.11-12
Ethnic identity is a key construct to include in examining the grouping of
risk behaviors.13-15
Examining the relationship between ethnic identity and such indicators
as academic aspirations and performance may be of particular value,13 given that educational level is a robust determinant
of health status in adulthood.16 Indirect evidence
of this linkage is readily available. In a study focused on ethnic socialization,
Bowman and Howard17 demonstrated that both
a sense of personal efficacy and academic performance were enhanced by proactive
orientations toward racial barriers transmitted by African American parents
to their children. The themes of these communications included ethnic pride
and commitment, self-development, awareness of and approach to racial barriers,
and egalitarianism. More recent qualitative data drawn from African American
and Latino high school and professional samples confirm the importance of
this aspect of parental influence.18-19
Encompassing a complementary and supportive theme in the literature,10, 20-23
role model selection also reflects critical elements of psychosocial functioning
and self-perception, particularly ethnic identity. Using qualitative methods,
Taylor24 found that identification of a role
model distinguished high school from college samples of low-income African
American males. College students primarily, though not exclusively, identified
family members as role models, and extrafamilial role models tended to be
ethnically similar to the young men. Enduring and substantive role models
were less frequently identified in the younger sample. Still, even as objects
of fleeting identification, African Americans—mainly entertainers and
political or religious figures encountered through the media—were most
often chosen. The educational persistence shown by graduates of historically
African American colleges and universities also suggests the positive influence
of ethnically relevant role models. While only 20% of African American undergraduate
students are enrolled in these institutions, 33% of African American college
graduates hail from these institutions, as do 55% of those earning doctorates
and 70% of all African American professionals.25
There is little direct empirical evidence for the linkage among ethnic
identity, role model selection, and either psychological attributes or health
behaviors in adolescence, according to electronic database searches of recent
literature on these topics.6, 11, 14-15,26-29
Role modeling and mentoring (a subset of the broader construct of role modeling
that involves the deliberate support and guidance of a younger or less-experienced
individual by an older or more-experienced one20)
are variables of particular interest, because of their malleability and the
recent proliferation of mentoring programs for high-risk youth.30
A study of mentoring among adolescents receiving outpatient medical care30 found that those who could identify "an adult in
your life you can usually turn to for help and advice" were significantly
less likely to have participated in several risk behaviors, including weapon
carrying, illicit drug use, daily smoking, and high-risk sexual activity.
While most (56%) identified a parent, both parental and nonparental mentors
exerted similarly constructive or prosocial influences on these risk behaviors.
This suggests that the contribution of mentoring to risk behaviors is independent
of the well-documented influence of family cohesion.31
Despite the recent societal investment in mentoring and the intuitive presumption
that mentors have a constructive influence on adolescent psychological functioning,
particularly among adolescents of color, there is a paucity of high-quality
data delineating the packaging, content, delivery, and impact of interventions
using role models and mentors.20, 30
Clearly, there is a need for more rigorous empirical evaluation of the relationship
between role model characteristics and health-risk behaviors.
This study describes role model selection in a population-based, multiethnic
sample of urban adolescents and examines the relationships among role model
characteristics, psychosocial functioning, and health-risk behaviors. The
specific questions addressed include the following: Who has a role model?
Who is the role model? Does having a model make a difference? And does having
a model help specific groups of adolescents more than others? We hypothesized
that adolescents with role models will demonstrate better psychosocial functioning
and that these effects will be magnified as the closeness to the role model
increases. There were no a priori hypotheses regarding sexual or ethnic variations
in the tendency to have a role model, but it was expected that adolescents
who lack other resources (eg, financial or familial) would benefit most from
having a role model. Particular attention is focused on sexual and ethnic
variation, as well as family configuration. With regard to the latter, the
greater prevalence of mother-only households for African American youth32 raises the question of whether the presence of a
custodial father would influence the likelihood of having a role model or
the choice of a particular role model. Some have surmised that the absence
of a male role model is particularly detrimental for boys and is possibly
magnified in communities lacking other social resources.
The measures of psychosocial functioning and health-risk behaviors are
substance use, academic performance, and 2 indicators of self-perception:
ethnic identity and self-esteem. These measures were selected because they
collectively capture critical domains of adolescent functioning. Grades, substance
use, and self-esteem are frequently assessed in research on adolescents. This
study also included ethnic identity as a variable, because of its potential
relevance to role model choices.
PARTICIPANTS AND METHODS
SAMPLE SELECTION
Participants were selected from a 3-stage, area-probability sampling
frame of Los Angeles County. The stages were census tracts, blocks, and households.
Sampling intervals were adjusted to produce an oversample of African Americans
and Asian Americans. Of 1417 eligible participants, interviews were completed
with 62% (877 adolescents). When adjusted for the end of enrollment, the response
rate increases to 71%. Siegel et al33 provide
a more detailed description of the sample selection process. University of
California, Los Angeles, institutional review board approval was obtained
for this study.
INTERVIEWS
In-person interviews were conducted between October 1992 and April 1994
in either English or Spanish. Interviewer assignments were made to fit the
ethnic composition of the neighborhood, but neither ethnicity nor sex were
matched to the respondents' characteristics in advance. Two thirds of the
respondents were interviewed by ethnically congruent interviewers, with African
Americans (84%) being more likely than whites (67%) or Latinos (63%) to be
matched on race-ethnicity with the interviewer ( 22
= 17.26; P<.001).
The interview was highly structured, with both fixed and open-ended
response formats. The questions emphasized emotional distress and problematic
behavior, exposure to social stressors, coping resources and behaviors, and
the demographic characteristics of adolescents and their families. Only a
portion of the interview content is reported here. Variables used in this
analysis are described below.
Ethnic self-identification was addressed by the question: "In Los Angeles,
people come from many different cultural backgrounds . . . Latino, black,
Asian, Native American, white or of some other ethnicity. With which one of
these ethnic groups do you most closely identify?"
Role model presence/absence was assessed by a single item, with affirmative
responses generating a 6-item follow-up sequence. The entry item was, "Now
I'd like to ask you about people you admire or look up to. This could be someone
you know personally, or someone you have read about or seen on TV or in the
movies or know about some other way. Are there any people or individuals you
really want to be like?" Affirmative responses led to 6 additional open-ended
queries, 4 of which are reported here: "Who is the person you most want to
be like?"; "How would you describe your relationship with this person?" (probe:
"How do you know [about] this person?"); "What is/was her/his ethnicity?";
and "What is/was her/his gender?"
Substance use was assessed by asking adolescents about 10 different
substances they might have used in the past week. A count was created by tallying
whether they used cigarettes (9.3% of sample), alcohol (7.5%), or marijuana
(5.2%) during the past week, with scores ranging from 0 (used none) to 3 (used
all 3). The other 7 substances were used by too few respondents to be considered
in this analysis.
Academic performance was assessed by adolescents' reports of their most
recent grades in school, using a 12-response scale, with mostly A's scored
as 12 and mostly F's scored as 1. The intervening categories were "mostly
A's, some B's," "mostly B's, some A's," and so forth.
Ethnic identity was assessed with the 10-item Multi-Group Ethnic Identity
Measure–Revised (MEIM-S).4-5
The subject's own term for his orher ethnicity was inserted in the question
stems in place of the standardized yet impersonal phrase "my ethnic group."
Responses were assessed on a 4-point Likert scale and summed across the 10
items, with higher scores indicating a more positive ethnic identity. Reliability
(Cronbach  ) for the measure in this sample was = .76 and was
uniformly high across the 3 racial or ethnic groups ( = .70 to
= .77).
Self-esteem was measured by the 10-item Rosenberg Self-esteem Scale.34 Responses are assessed on a 4-point scale. After
reverse-scoring negatively worded items, a total score is calculated by summing
across the items. Higher scores indicate higher self-esteem. Reliability (Cronbach )
for the measure in this sample was = .77 and was uniformly high across
the 3 racial ethnic groups ( = .73 to = .80).
RESULTS
SAMPLE
The average age was 14.5 years. Of 749 participants, 391 (52%) were
males and 358 (48%) were females. A majority of the teens in this sample (66.8%)
resided with 2 parents—biological, adoptive, or a parent and a step-parent.
The remainder lived with 1 parent (29.0%) or with other relatives or guardians
(3.8%).
The sample was socioeconomically diverse. Parental education ranged
from less than elementary school to postgraduate, with median educational
attainment of high school graduation. Median annual household income was $28 750
($8452 per capita), and about a quarter of households (23.8%) lived below
the federal poverty standard. Median incomes for African American and Latino
households were similar, at about $21 500; median income for white households
was $48 000, more than double the median income for households of color.
Latinos were the dominant ethnic subgroup (n = 477) followed by whites
(n = 171) and approximately equal numbers of African Americans (n = 101) and
Asian Americans (n = 98). Those of other backgrounds (n = 30) were a small
and heterogeneous group. A sample of 749 adolescents is used for this analysis.
Both Asian Americans and those of other ethnic backgrounds were excluded from
analysis because insufficient sample size was available to accommodate the
heterogeneity of these groups (eg, immigrant vs native-born, nationality or
culture of origin, acculturation level). The demographic characteristics of
the sample are presented in Table 1.
|
|
|
|
Table 1. Selected Sample Characteristics
|
|
|
WHO HAS A ROLE MODEL?
Fifty-six percent of respondents indicated that they had a role model.
No differences were observed between boys (56%) and girls (56%), between younger
teens (55%) and older teens (56%), or between those who had lived only in
the United States (56%) vs those who had also lived somewhere else (57%).
Whites (64%) were somewhat more likely to have role models than either
African Americans (53%) or Latinos (54%)(P = .07).
Whites were significantly more likely to have role models than teens of color,
or African Americans and Latinos combined (F1,747 = 5.50; P<.05). Higher income was associated with having a model:
in the top income group, 65% answered affirmatively, compared with 50% in
the middle third and 52% in the lower third. When income and ethnicity are
included in same analysis, income is the predominant effect. Using analysis
of covariance, income is significant when controlling for ethnicity (F2,745 = 4.66; P<.05) but ethnicity is not
related to having a role model, controlling for income (P<.50).
WHO IS THE ROLE MODEL?
Responses were initially classified using 19 interviewer-generated categories.
A parent was chosen most frequently (n = 90; 22%), followed by a sports figure
(n = 73; 18%), and then sibling and singer (n = 40 for each; 10% each). For
the purposes of this analysis, responses were grouped into 3 categories (Table 2): parent/relative (n = 167; 42%);
nonfamilial known individual (n = 76; 19%); and "figure," or individual available
primarily through the media (n = 157; 39%). The nonfamilial known individual
category included friends (n = 45, across categories of boyfriend/girlfriend,
same-age friend, and adult friend) and professionals, such as doctors or lawyers
(n = 18), teachers (n = 12), and a member of the clergy (n = 1). In addition
to sports figures and singers, the figure category includes actors (n = 29),
historical figures (n = 9), political leaders (n = 3), comic book characters
(n = 2), and a community leader (n = 1). (It should be noted that the data
in Table 2 are based only on the
categories listed above. The few teens who chose role models from outside
these 3 categories were excluded from this analysis. As a result, the percentages
in Table 2 vary slightly from
those reported earlier in the article for the presence or absence of a role
model.)
|
|
|
|
Table 2. Role Model Choices as a Function of Sex and Ethnicity
|
|
|
According to 2 tests, females were more likely than males
to choose known individuals, familial or nonfamilial, as role models, whereas
boys were more likely than girls to choose figures (22 = 37.72, P<.001). African Americans were
especially likely to choose figures rather than known individuals (P = .06). Comparing white subjects with those of color showed that
the groups were similar in the likelihood of choosing their parents or relatives
as a role models, but teens of color were more likely than whites to choose
figures, while the reverse was true for nonfamilial known individuals ( 22 = 37.72; P<.001). Looking
at race and sex simultaneously suggested a strong effect for sex, with males
being much more likely than females to choose a figures as role models (F1,394 = 29.58; P<.001), but there was no
main effect for race or interaction between the 2 variables.
A marginal effect of immigrant status is reflected in the finding that
those who spent some time living outside the United States were more likely
to choose family members as role models than teens whose entire life had been
spent in the United States (P = .09). High-income
adolescents were least likely to choose figures ( 22 = 7.11; P<.05). A comparison of younger
and older teens showed they did not differ in their choices of role models
(P>.30). The presence or absence of a custodial father
had no impact on the likelihood of having a role model or the type of role
model chosen. Because the 3 ethnic groups were not equally likely to have
a father in the home, the analyses involving presence of a custodial father
were performed within each ethnic group.
Nearly 3 (72%) of 4 teens chose role models of like ethnicity, and 86%
chose models of like sex. Regarding ethnic congruence of role model and respondent,
96% of African Americans selected a role model of the same ethnicity, compared
with 79% of whites and 64% of Latinos (22 = 26.86; P<.001). African American teens selected an ethnically
congruent model regardless of their sex, whereas both white and Latino females
were more likely than males to choose ethnically similar models. With respect
to sex congruence of role model and respondent, 91% of males and 80% of females
chose a role model of the same sex (21 = 10.49; P<.001). Males had a greater propensity than females
to choose sex-congruent figures (98% compared with 75%; 21 = 22.29; P<.001), but the proportions
of males and females choosing sex-congruent models were the same for parent/relative
or nonfamilial role models. Again, similar proportions of African American
males and females selected sex-congruent models, yet for both whites and Latinos,
males were more likely than females to choose models of the same sex. Table 2 presents data on role model choices
as a function of sex and ethnicity.
DOES HAVING A ROLE MODEL MAKE A DIFFERENCE?
We first determined common variance among the outcome measures and found
that the strongest correlations were between grades and both substance use
(r744 = -0.21; P<.001) and self-esteem (r744
= 0.22; P<.001). Ethnic identity was correlated
with self-esteem (r749 = 0.15; P<.001) and weakly associated with substance use (r749 = -0.08; P<.05).
Given the relatively small core of common variance among the dependent measures,
it is reasonable to examine the outcome variables independently.
Analysis of covariance was used to determine first, if having a role
model has an impact on the outcome variables, and second, if the relationship
with the model (eg, known vs figure) is influential. In these analyses, household
income is included as a covariate, because of the robust association of income
with the outcome variables and its demonstrated relationship with the role
model variables. Teens who had role models earned higher grades (F1,741 = 4.01; P<.05), had higher self-esteem
(F1,746 = 6.95; P<.01) and had stronger
ethnic identity (F1,746 = 16.08; P<.001)
than teens without role models. Income was a significant covariate for all
3 outcome variables. There was no association of role model presence/absence
with substance use.
To examine the influence of role model type, adolescents with no role
model, a known role model (combining parent/relative and nonfamilial), and
a figure role model were compared on these outcomes. Again, significant effects
were demonstrated for grade (F1,731 = 3.29; P<.05), self-esteem, (F1,736 = -4.40; P<.05), and ethnic identity (F1,736 = -10.18; P<.001) but not for substance use. Income was a significant
covariate for grades, self-esteem, and ethnic identity. Post hoc Scheffé
tests showed that for both grades and self-esteem, those who knew their role
model fared better than those with no role model. Having a figure for a role
model was intermediate and did not differ from either group. With respect
to ethnic identity, however, adolescents with no role models had weaker ethnic
identities than those with figures for role models, who, in turn, had weaker
ethnic identities than those who knew their role models. The means for the
4 outcome variables, as a function of model choices, are presented in Table 3. Despite the significant differences
among the means, as described above, it should be noted that the accountable
variance was quite small (<5% in all cases).
|
|
|
|
Table 3. Substance Use, Grades, and Self-perceptions as a Function
of Role Model Choices
|
|
|
Given the apparent salience of sports star role models to males, responses
on the 4 outcome variables were compared for teens who chose sports figures
for role models and teens selecting other models. It is worth noting that
72 of the 73 teens who identified sports figures as models were male. Among
teens who had role models, 24% of African Americans, 20% of whites, and 15%
of Latinos selected sports figures (P = .10). There
were no differences between teens naming a sports figure for a role model
and teens selecting someone else with regard to grades, self-esteem, or ethnic
identity. However, teens whose role models were sports figures were less likely
to have used substances in the past week than teens who had other role models
(t415 = 2.16; P<.05).
DOES HAVING A ROLE MODEL HELP ONE GROUP MORE THAN OTHERS?
Looking simultaneously at sex, ethnicity, and the presence of a role
model did not yield any interactions for substance use, grades, ethnic identity,
or self-esteem. This implies that the effect of having a role model on these
outcome variables is similar for the ethnicity and sex subgroups included
in this study.
To further examine the interplay between custodial fathers and role
models, the effects of the presence of a custodial father and having a role
model were evaluated in the context of ethnicity and sex. Only substance use
was affected, and the impact varied by ethnicity but not by sex. Specifically,
a 3-way analysis of variance (ethnicity, role model, father in house) on substance
use yielded main effects for ethnicity (F1,737 = 4.75; P<.01) and for having a father in the house (F1,737 =
4.72; P<.05), a 2-way interaction for having a
role model and having a father in the house (F1,737 = 5.72; P<.05), and a 3-way interaction for ethnicity, having
a role model, and having a custodial father (F2, 737 = 3.08; P<.05). Subsequent tests among the means showed that
whites used more substances than either African Americans or Latinos, and
teens of any ethnicity who did not have a father in the house used more substances
than those with a custodial father. The combination of not having a role model
and not having a father in the house was associated with the highest level
of substance use (mean of 0.43 compared with  0.2 for the other 3 groups);
this pattern was most pronounced for whites (mean of 0.77 for whites with
no role model and no father in the house compared with 0.32 for the other
11 subgroups). Variance accounted for by each interaction term was less than
5%. In sum, whites without a father in the home and without a role model appear
to be particularly vulnerable to substance use.
COMMENT
For teenagers, having a role model they know personally appears to exert
a modest protective effect on risk behaviors. In a multiethnic sample of adolescents,
controlling for income, those who identified a person whom they could "admire
or look up to" earned higher grades, had higher self-esteem, and showed stronger
ethnic identity; furthermore, all these effects were magnified when teens
with a known role model were compared with teens who did not identify a role
model. For ethnic identity alone, each increment in closeness with a role
model (from no role model to a figure observed mainly or solely through the
media to an individual personally known to the teen) was associated with a
significant increase in mean score, suggesting that ethnic identity plays
an important role in connectedness. Under certain circumstances, having a
role model is also linked with a lower likelihood of health-risk behaviors.
Whites without custodial fathers were less likely to use substances if they
identified a role model than if they did not. The cross-sectional nature of
these data does not allow a determination of whether teens who are functioning
well are more likely to have role models or, instead, if teens who have role
models perform better in other domains. However, these data do identify role
model characteristics that are associated with varying levels of involvement
in health-risk behaviors in teens and highlight possible avenues for intervention.
Specific suggestions for intervention are offered below.
The likelihood of having a role model did not vary by sex, and the interethnic
group differences for this dimension were explained largely by family income,
with teens from families with lower incomes being less likely to have role
models. These sociodemographic factors had a greater impact on the choice
of who the role model was. Most notably, having a lower income and being male
were associated with selecting role models available primarily through the
media, as opposed to known individuals. Needless to say, the opportunity for
a role model to have a positive influence is severely limited without direct
personal contact. It is sobering to note that 31 teens (7%) named doctors,
lawyers, teachers, or clergy members as role models, while 142 teens (34%)
identified sports figures, singers, or actors. There may be some qualitative
differences in influence for teens choosing political leaders or historical
figures as role models rather than singers or sports figures. However, the
small proportion (<2%) identifying this choice precludes substantive analysis.
Aside from their families, teens are choosing media "products" to emulate
rather than the responsible, professional adults to whom they are or should
be exposed. The primary difference in role model quality to emerge among income
groups is that the less affluent teens were more likely to identify figures,
and less likely to identify known persons outside their families, as their
role models. Lack of exposure to powerful and socially constructive adults
outside the family likely governs the less optimal role model choices of lower-income
teens.20
As would be predicted by social-learning theory,35-36
most teens chose models of their own ethnicity and sex. African American teens
almost exclusively chose African American role models (96%), whereas two thirds
(64%) of Latinos chose ethnically congruent models. Overall, 75% of Latinos
chose role models of color, with 11% choosing African Americans. Four in 5
whites identified a white role model. It is likely that more phenotypically
distinct, "minority status" groups tend to suffer greater social distance
and discrimination, increasing the salience and level of ethnic identity.5 Hence, African Americans had the highest ethnic identity
scores in the sample and made the highest proportion of ethnically congruent
role model choices. Ethnic congruence of role models did not seem to affect
the outcomes studied, but the lack of variability in the African American
subgroup did not permit an adequate test of this hypothesis. A larger sample
probably would not increase this variability, because adolescents for whom
ethnicity is most salient strongly gravitate to role models of the same ethnicity.
Turning to sex, there was a greater tendency for males than females
to chose a sexually congruent model. A closer look at these data shows that
this difference is entirely due to the figure category of models. Females
and males were equally likely to name role models of the same sex if the models
were family members or others personally known to the teens, whereas virtually
all males (98%) but only 3 in 4 females (75%) selected models of the same
sex if the models were figures. This effect is likely due to the greater availability
of powerful male figures in the popular media and in sports, in particular,
and to the greater status that our society affords to men.
This research is consistent with the findings of a recent study of adolescents
seeking health care. In that report, having a mentor, or "an adult in your
life you can turn to for help or advice" was associated with lower risk-taking.30 The data here suggest that even having a role model
not personally known to the adolescent exerts a positive influence. Despite
the highly publicized falls from grace of some athletes, sports-figure role
models were as positively influential as other figures. A more detailed set
of questions might have allowed us to determine if the role models actually
embodied prosocial behavior.
Given the limited availability of appropriate one-to-one known mentors
for every teen at risk, attention should be directed to the development and
systematic evaluation of innovative and cost-effective group endeavors to
provide constructive, ethnically relevant role models, whether via the media
or in person.10, 20, 23
Although the process by which youth identify role models is not well understood,
efforts to enhance ethnic identity by providing positive images and examples
of individuals ethnically matched to the target population, in the context
of service provision, would also seem to be indicated. For providers serving
increasingly diverse and at-risk youth populations, ethnic identity may be
more malleable and amenable to intervention than the structural inequalities
that contribute to adverse outcomes. Some practical examples of such efforts,
particularly in meeting the needs of African American and Latino youth, are
offered.
- Identifying and engaging youth with appropriate
non-family role models and mentors, such as counselors or therapists, physicians,
coaches, teachers, clergy members, and lawyers.
- Establishing a resource guide of rites of passage
or other culturally tailored programs available locally.
- Encouraging parents or guardians of color to empower
youth by modeling behaviors that constructively challenge discrimination or
opportunity deficits and communicate proactive orientations toward barriers
(eg, voting; writing letters to elected officials; not patronizing businesses
or commercial establishments in which they have experienced discriminatory
practices and explaining that "dollar vote" to their youngsters; attending,
with their youngsters, school and civic meetings that mobilize communities
to increase racial equality and educational opportunity).
- In service delivery settings, countering the negative
media barrage youth of color face in mainstream culture by including works
by artists of color on walls; displaying books, magazines, and videos positively
depicting people of color; playing ethnically varied music; and providing
the staff with cultural proficiency training.
- Counseling parents and youth to avoid derogatory
ethnic slurs and references, eg, devaluing phenotypic traits associated with
certain groups, such as "bad" (kinky) hair.
In closing, many questions must still be addressed by future research.
Key issues for exploration that may assist in the design, implementation,
evaluation, and dissemination of the next generation of role modeling/mentoring
interventions include the natural processes by which adolescents select role
models outside the context of intervention research or service delivery; the
nature and continuity of the contact (eg, mediated in person or otherwise,
frequency, duration, content and style of any interaction) between role models
and adolescents and how it influences behavior; and role model selection and
training processes. Because role modeling provides critical, and potentially
socially constructive, access to the self-images of socioeconomically marginalized,
at-risk youth, progress in this arena is central to advancing the field of
adolescent health promotion.
AUTHOR INFORMATION
Accepted for publication August 17, 2001.
This study was supported by grant 2R01 MH40831 from the National Institute
of Mental Health, Bethesda, Md (Carol Aneshensel, PhD, Principal Investigator).
Dr Yancey was supported in part by grant 1R01 HD39103 from the National Institute
of Child Health and Human Development, Bethesda.
We thank Martin Anderson, MD, MPH, Lauren and Sheneil Christian, Anne
Driscoll, PhD, Neal Halfon, MD, MPH, Karen Markus, Danielle Osby, Akil Smith,
Mark Weber, PhD, and Robyn Yancey for their assistance in the conceptual development
of this analysis or preparation of the manuscript.
Corresponding author and reprints: Antronette K. Yancey, MD, MPH,
UCLA Jonsson Comprehensive Cancer Center and School of Public Health, Department
of Health Services, Box 956900, A2-125 CHS, Los Angeles, CA 90095-6900 (e-mail: ayancey{at}ucla.edu).
From the Division of Chronic Disease Prevention & Health Promotion,
Los Angeles County Department of Health Services (Dr Yancey); Department of
Community Health Sciences, School of Public Health (Drs Yancey and Siegel);
Division of Cancer Prevention & Control Research, Jonsson Comprehensive
Cancer Center and School of Public Health (Dr Yancey), University of California,
Los Angeles; and the Department of Behavioral Health Care Services, Alameda
County, Calif (Dr McDaniel).
REFERENCES
| |
1. Wallman K, Evinger S, Schechter S. Measuring our nation's diversity: developing a common language for
data on race/ethnicity. Am J Public Health. 2000;90:1704-1708.
FREE FULL TEXT
2. Wilson D, Rodrigue J, Taylor W. Health Promoting and Health-Compromising Behaviors
Among Minority Adolescents. Washington, DC: American Psychological Association; 1997:xix.
3. US Department of Health and Human Services. Use of Race and Ethnicity in Public Health Surveillance. Washington, DC: Dept of Health and Human Services; 1993;42:1-17.
4. Phinney J. The multigroup ethnic identity measure. J Adolesc Res. 1992;7:156-176.
ABSTRACT
5. Yancey A, Aneshensel C, Driscoll A. The assessment of ethnic identity in a diverse urban youth population. J Black Psychol. 2001;27:190-208.
FREE FULL TEXT
6. Smith E, Walker K, Fields L. Ethnic identity and its relationship to self-esteem, perceived efficacy
and prosocial attitudes in early adolescence. J Adolesc. 1999;22:867-880.
FULL TEXT
|
WEB OF SCIENCE
| PUBMED
7. Rotheram-Borus M. Adolescents' reference-group choices, self-esteem, and adjustment. J Pers Soc Psychol. 1990;59:1075-1081.
FULL TEXT
|
WEB OF SCIENCE
| PUBMED
8. McGuire W, McGuire C, Child P, Fujioka T. Salience of ethnicity in the spontaneous self-concept as a function
of one's ethnic distinctiveness in the social environment. J Pers Soc Psychol. 1978;36:511-520.
FULL TEXT
|
WEB OF SCIENCE
| PUBMED
9. Rotheram M, Phinney J. Introduction: definitions and perspectives in the study of children's
ethnic socialization. In: Phinney J, Rotheram M, eds. Children's Ethnic
Socialization: Pluralism and Development. Newbury Park, Calif: Sage
Publications; 1987:10-28.
10. Brookins C. Promoting ethnic identity development in African-American youth: the
role of rites of passage. J Black Psychol. 1996;22:388-417.
ABSTRACT
11. Gordon-Rouse K, Ingersoll G, Orr D. Longitudinal health endangering behavior risk among resilient and nonresilient
early adolescents. J Adolesc Health. 1998;23:297-302.
FULL TEXT
|
WEB OF SCIENCE
| PUBMED
12. Irwin C. The theoretical concept of at-risk adolescents. Adolesc Med. 1990;1:1-15.
PUBMED
13. Miller D. Racial socialization and racial identity: can they promote resiliency
for African American adolescents? Adolescence. 1999;34:493-501.
WEB OF SCIENCE
| PUBMED
14. Brook J, Whiteman M, Gurson M. Drug use among Puerto Ricans: ethnic identity as a protective factor. Hispanic J Behav Sci. 1998;20:241-254.
ABSTRACT
15. Brook J, Balka E, Brook D, Win P, Gurson M. Drug use among African Americans: ethnic identity as a protective factor. Psychol Rep. 1998;83:1427-1446.
WEB OF SCIENCE
| PUBMED
16. Winkleby M, Fortmann S, Rockhill B. Trends in cardiovascular disease risk factors by educational level:
the Stanford Five City Project. Prev Med. 1992;21:592-601.
FULL TEXT
|
WEB OF SCIENCE
| PUBMED
17. Bowman P, Howard C. Race-related socialization, motivation, and academic achievement: a
study of black youth in three-generation families. J Am Acad Child Psychiatry. 1985;24:134-141.
WEB OF SCIENCE
| PUBMED
18. O'Connor C. Dispositions toward (collective) struggle and educational resilience
in the inner city: a case analysis of six African-American high school students. Am Edu Res J. 1997;34:593-629.
FULL TEXT
19. Gandara P. Over the Ivy Walls: The Educational Mobility of Low-Income
Chicanos. Albany, NY: SUNY Press; 1995.
20. Yancey A. Self-image building in adolescents in foster care: the use of group
process interactions with role models. Adolescence. 1998;33:253-267.
WEB OF SCIENCE
| PUBMED
21. Levine A, Nidiffer J. Beating the Odds: How the Poor Get to College. San Francisco, Calif: Jossey-Bass Publishers; 1996.
22. Yancey A. Identity formation and social maladaptation in foster adolescents. Adolescence. 1992;27:819-831.
WEB OF SCIENCE
| PUBMED
23. Malgady R, Roger L, Costantino G. Hero/heroine modeling for Puerto Rican adolescents: a preventive mental
health intervention. J Consult Clin Psychol. 1990;58:469-474.
FULL TEXT
|
WEB OF SCIENCE
| PUBMED
24. Taylor R. Black youth, role models and the social construction of identity. In: Jones R, ed. Black Adolescents. Berkeley,
Calif: Cobb and Henry; 1989:155-174.
25. Barnes E. The black community as the source of positive self-concept for black
children: a theoretical perspective. In: Jones R, ed. Black Psychology. New York,
NY: Harper and Row; 1980:106-130.
26. Dumont M, Provost M. Resilience in adolescents: protective role of social support, coping
strategies, self-esteem, and social activities on experience of stress and
depression. J Youth Adolesc. 1999;28:343-363.
FULL TEXT
|
WEB OF SCIENCE
27. Costa F, Jessor R, Turbin M. Transition into adolescent problem drinking: the role of psychosocial
risk and protective factors. J Stud Alcohol. 1999;60:480-490.
WEB OF SCIENCE
| PUBMED
28. Romero A, Roberts R. Perception of discrimination and ethnocultural variables in a diverse
group of adolescents. J Adolesc. 1998;21:641-656.
FULL TEXT
|
WEB OF SCIENCE
| PUBMED
29. Bates S, Beauvais F, Trimble J. American Indian adolescent alcohol involvement and ethnic identification. Subst Use Misuse. 1997;32:2013-2031.
WEB OF SCIENCE
| PUBMED
30. Beier S, Rosenfeld W, Spitalny K, Zansky S, Bontempo A. The potential role of an adult mentor in influencing high-risk behaviors
in adolescents. Arch Pediatr Adolesc Med. 2000;154:327-331.
FREE FULL TEXT
31. Resnick M, Bearman P, Blum R, et al. Protecting adolescents from harm. Findings from the National Longitudinal
Study on Adolescent Health. JAMA. 1997;278:823-832.
FREE FULL TEXT
32. McLoyd VC. The impact of economic hardship on black families and children: psychological
distress, parenting, and socioemotional development. Child Dev. 1990;61:311-346.
FULL TEXT
|
WEB OF SCIENCE
| PUBMED
33. Siegel J, Yancey A, Aneshensel C, Schuler R. Body image, perceived pubertal timing, and adolescent mental health. J Adolesc Health. 1999;25:155-165.
FULL TEXT
|
WEB OF SCIENCE
| PUBMED
34. Rosenberg M. Society and the Adolescent Self-image. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press; 1965.
35. Bandura A. Ontological and epistemological terrains revisited. J Behav Ther Exp Psychiatry. 1996;27:323-345.
FULL TEXT
|
WEB OF SCIENCE
| PUBMED
36. Bandura A. Social Foundations of Thought and Action: A Social
Cognitive Theory. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall; 1986.
 CiteULike  Connotea  Del.icio.us  Digg  Reddit  Technorati  Twitter
What's this?
THIS ARTICLE HAS BEEN CITED BY OTHER ARTICLES
Cultural identity, clothing and common mental disorder: a prospective school-based study of white British and Bangladeshi adolescents
Bhui et al.
J. Epidemiol. Community Health 2008;62:435-441.
ABSTRACT
| FULL TEXT
Identifying Opinion Leaders to Promote Behavior Change
Valente and Pumpuang
Health Educ Behav 2007;34:881-896.
ABSTRACT
Contextual Influences on the Career Development of Low-Income African American Youth: Considering an Ecological Approach
King and Madsen
Journal of Career Development 2007;33:395-411.
ABSTRACT
Walking the Talk: Fit WIC Wellness Programs Improve Self-Efficacy in Pediatric Obesity Prevention Counseling
Crawford et al.
AJPH 2004;94:1480-1485.
ABSTRACT
| FULL TEXT
|
